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Zevin reveals it as a grudging response to democratic pressures from below. As more people acquired the right to vote, and as market mechanisms failed, empowering autocrats and accelerating international conflicts, The Economist was finally forced to compromise the purity of its principles.
Since the nineteen-sixties, however, The Economist has steadily reinstated its foundational ideals. In the process, it missed an opportunity to reconfigure for the postcolonial age a liberalism forged during the high noon of imperialism. The emergence of new, independent nation-states across Asia and Africa from the late forties onward was arguably the most important development of the twentieth century.
Would such a policy succeed without prior government-led investment in public health, education, and local manufacturing? After the Second World War, when the U. It came to revere the U. A policy of fealty to the giant elder brother also made some campaigners for liberalism a bit too prone to skulduggery.
After the fall of Communist regimes in , The Economist embraced a fervently activist role in Russia and Eastern Europe, armed with the mantras of privatization and deregulation. Still, The Economist may find it more difficult than much of the old Anglo-American establishment to check its privilege.
Its limitations arise not only from a defiantly nondiverse and parochial intellectual culture but also from a house style too prone to contrarianism. This insouciance, bred by the certainty of having made the modern world, cannot seem anything but incongruous in the rancorously polarized societies of Britain and the United States.
The reputation, central to much Cold War liberalism, of England as a model liberal society also lies shattered amid the calamity of Brexit. For the young, in particular, old frameworks of liberalism seem to be a constraint on the possibilities of politics.
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